Gwangju People's Uprising

Gwangju people's uprising of 1980 is the pivotal moment around which dictatorship was transformed into democracy in South Korea. The mythical power of the Gwangju people's uprising was tempered in the first five years after 1980, when the dictatorship tried to cover up its massacre of at least 164 people. The dialectical negation of military repression is the Gwangju People's Uprising, a shining example of the rapid spread of revolutionary aspirations and actions, of a community of love created in the heat of battle. The spontaneous chain reaction of people coming to each other's assistance, the erotic occupation of public space and the loving embrace in which the city united nearly everyone in it were one of the 20^th century's clearest expressions of capacity of millions of ordinary people to govern themselves beautifully and with grace.

The Uprising Begins

On May 14, 1980 in Seoul, more than 70,000 people joined in a student demonstration, a huge outpouring of sentiment against the dictatorship. Protests were also reported in many other cities including Gwangju, Pusan and Masan. The next day, more than 100,000 citizens assembled at Seoul Station in an even bigger show of support for democracy with belief that it was time to overthrow the military, but the students leaders buckled under pressure from the government when it warned of dire consequences if protest continued. They hoped the military might end the martial law and accede to the will of the country, but Chun Doo-hwan clamped sending thousands combat troops to all the large cities, especially to Gwangju.  On May 16, while the rest of South Korea remained quiet, students from nine universities in Gwangju rallied at the fountain in front of Province Hall, renamed it "Democracy Square" and marched through the city in torchlight procession. Many leaders including Kim Dae-Jung were arrested.

With the approval of his superiors in Washington, U.S. ranking general of Combined Forced Command (CFC) of ROK and U.S. troops released seasoned paratroops from his command. Chun immediately ordered them to Gwangju. On May 18, paratroopers viciously attacked students and other demonstrators. Many were killed and injured. The city's entire population was in shock from paratroopers' overreaction. The paratroopers were so out of control that they even stabbed to death the director of information of the police station who tried to stop them from brutalizing people. Even students were not spared because they were among the protestors. The people were not afraid and instead of running away they stood their ground and retaliated with stones, knives, pipes, etc. This proved that the citizens were united and not afraid of any atrocious acts they had to face from the paratroopers or others. Fighting between troops and civilians continued throughout the night of May 19.

On the morning of May 20, a mutilated corpse was discovered; many people gathered at Daesin market to discuss their options and decided to fight back using whatever weapon was available. A newspaper called the Militants' Bulletin was published for the first time, providing accurate news - unlike the official media. At 5:50pm, a crowd of 5,000 surged over a police barricade. When the paratroopers drove them back, they re-assembled and sat-in on a road. They then selected representatives to try and further split the police from the army. In the evening, the march swelled to over 200,000 people in a city with a population then of 700,000. The massive crowd unified workers, farmers, students and people from all walks of life. Nine buses and over two-hundred taxis led the procession on Kumnam Avenue, the downtown shopping area. Once again, the paratroopers viciously attacked, and this time the whole city fought back. During the night, cars, jeeps, taxis and other vehicles were set on fire and pushed into the military's forces. Although the army attacked repeatedly, the evening ended in a stalemate at Democracy Square. At the train station, many demonstrators were killed, and at Province Hall nearby Democracy Square, the paratroopers opened fire on the crowd with M-16s, killed many more.

At 9:00am the next morning (May 21), more than 100,000 people gathered again on Kumam Avenue facing the paratroopers. A small group shouted that some people should go to Asia Motors (a military contractor) and seize vehicles. A few dozen people went off, bringing back only seven (the exact number of rebels who knew how to drive). As they shuttled more drivers back and forth, soon 350 vehicles, including armored personnel carriers, were in the hands of the people. Driving these expropriated vehicles around the city, the demonstrators rallied the populace and also went to neighboring towns and villages to spread the revolt. Negotiators were selected by the crowd and sent to the military. Suddenly gunshots pierced an already thick atmosphere, ending hope for a peaceful settlement. For ten minutes, the army indiscriminately fired, and in carnage, dozens were killed and over 500 wounded.

The people quickly responded. Less than two hours after the shootings, the first police station was raided for arms. More people formed action teams and raided police and National Guard armories, and assembled at two central points. With assistance from coal miners from Hwasun, demonstrators obtained large quantities of dynamite and detonators. Seven busloads of women textile workers drove to Naju, where they captured hundreds of rifles and ammunition and brought them back. The movement quickly spread to Hwasun, Naju, Hampyung, Youngkwang, Kangjin, Mooan, Haenam, Mokpo - in all, at least sixteen other parts of southwest Korea. The rapid proliferation of the revolt is another indication of people's capacity for self-government and autonomous initiative. Hoping to bring the uprising to Chunju and Seoul, some demonstrators set out but were repulsed by troops blocking the highway, roads, and railroads. Helicopter gunships wiped out units of armed demonstrators from Hwasun and Yonggwang counties trying to reach Gwangju. If the military had not so tightly controlled the media and restricted travel, the revolt may have turned into a nationwide uprising.

In the heat of the moment, a structure evolved that was more democratic than previous administrations of the city. Assembling at Gwangju Park and Yu-tong Junction, combat cells and leadership formed. Machine guns were brought to bear on Province Hall (where the military had its command post). By 5:30pm, the army retreated; by 8:00pm the people controlled the city.

Liberated Gwangju: The Power of Love

The citizens of Gwangju organized their own Citizen's Army from below, and then expelled thousands of crack troops modern U.S.-supplied weapons were no match for the power of people. Gwangju’s capacity for self-organization while under fire was one of their great advantages over the centrally commanded military. In 1980, the US officials saw the matter differently and had to intervene as they did not want another to Vietnam to happen as there was evidence of communists influence in student demonstrations and escalating demands. Therefore, all 200 U.S. personnel in Gwangju were evacuated to Seoul by plane and all U.S. aircraft at Songjongri were redeployed. But despite all these initiatives by US, the massive insurrection in Gwangju remained out of control and posed an alarming situation. In the liberated city, the power of the mobilized people led to a form of direct democracy that far surpassed the “normal” functioning of the city. From the evening of the 21st until the morning of the 27th, liberated Gwangju was in the hands of the citizens.

The people of the Gwangju recognized Democracy Square as their home, and they assembled there every day by the tens of thousands. These assemblies were a unique feature of the Gwangju Uprising, its crowning achievement. The ability to assemble peacefully by the thousands, to enact a form of participatory democracy, was right on through the blood of too many friends and neighbors.  It has often been said, the Gwangju uprising was an indispensable tool in the creation South Korea's democracy, then the rallies were its crucible-where people's determination was democratically galvanized into steel.  During the entire period of liberated Gwangju, alongside the huge rallies-sometimes during them, but always before and after them-small groups caucused, committees formed, and people formulated proposals and brought them to the next rally, and a veritable beehive of activity took place. The interaction between the popular assembly and small groups strengthened each in mutually amplifying dynamics of expanding democracy. The rallies helped to propel the process of self-organization forward.

The emergence of grassroots organizations appears to have happened quite naturally. The processes was obvious to everyone and open to all. Even government at one point publicly referred to the uprising as "Community self-rule". Province Hall remained at the centre of the city's political life, but a completely different set of people was involved as autonomous groups took over abandoned offices. Soon two groups formed: the Citizen's Settlement Committee (CSC) and Student Settlement Committee (SSC). Sometimes these two groups issued joint statements, but they also worked as cross-purpose. There may have been no leadership in place when the uprising began, but the crucible of the fighting produced may resolute enemies of the military.

On May 23, U.S. authorities convened a meeting at White House to discuss about the situation of Korea. The meeting came to general agreement that the first priority in Korea was to the restoration of order in Gwangju. A few hours later U.S. ambassador in a meeting with Korean Prime Minister acknowledge that firm anti-riot measures were necessary. On the same day, the 'First Citywide Rally' was scheduled for 3 p.m., but with as many as 150,000 citizens in attendance, the rally began hours earlier than the scheduled. Response to the White House meeting Kim Tae-jong said in his opening speech "Democracy in this country is not just given. It is to be won with bloodshed and struggle." At the rally's end, after people sang, 'Our Wish is national Unification' many people yielded to SSC request to give up their weapons. An 'elaborate psychological war was being fought to split the citizens of Gwangju' and Kim Chang-gil leader of newly formed SSC played a central in it. Many SSC members argued strongly that all weapons should be returned over the army, but the militants refused to consent to what they considered 'surrender'. They felt that such act would betray the dead, and signal the entire country that the dictatorship was acceptable.

Kim Chang-gil resigned and Citizen-Student Struggle Committee (CSSC) was formed. At the nucleus of an increasingly dedicated constellation of people who the city increasingly relied upon to guide the uprising stood the Yoon Sung-won, one of the remarkable individuals of the battle of Gwangju. In the intense atmosphere of military snipers firing on public areas, endless meetings…Yoon emerged as the 'Only one who had strategic view. By making an alliance with Park Nam-son, Yoon brought together several disparate streams: working class, fighters, students and movement activists. The CSSC became the focal point for continuing armed resistance. The Publicity Department organized four working clusters: one to drive vehicles loudspeakers to make announcement, another publishing daily Fighters Bulletin, third to raise funds and encourage people to donate and finally a group that organized the daily rallies. From the outside, organizational charts key activist accounts may see important, but what really mattered was massive participation of citizens. Likewise, in the dialectic of spontaneity and organization, it was clearly the popular movement's impulses that held sway in Gwangju. Many of the militants who fought the army used their own initiative rather than following the suggestions of any leaders.

Armies are notoriously brutal, but liberated Gwangju Citizen's Army, many of whom went without sleep many nights in a row, was models of responsibility. Although the militia picked up guns to fight, people considered them non-violent and supported them from all the way.  Militants were able to stop the violence of the paratroopers which in fast played a vital role to get respect from people. By way of contrast to such honorable and kind behavior, the U.S ambassador and dictatorship whipped up stories of mass hysteria and spread the rumors of atrocities being committed including executions and people's tribunals.  However, in spite of the complete absence of an official peace and order system, Gwangju citizens maintained peace and order perfectly. In a brief six-day, in interactive process involving direct democratic general assemblies and consensual based CSSC (including hundreds of fighter's in the Citizen's Army) emerged - an indication of the wisdom of ordinary people in 20^th  century.

The uprising spread so quickly in South Cholla for a variety of reasons among them marginalization from Park's economic development, unequal distribution of cultivated land, widespread discrimination are the major reasons which encouraged residents (progressive students, farmers, working class) of Cholla to fight for their rights and dignity. Although the students had sparked in the uprising, they were unable to continue to be the leading force. The one who seized guns were not students, but they were young jobless and working class people. So, it will not be unjust to say that the uprising was in fact a proletarian struggle. Once the uprising broke out, women were central to the life of the liberated city and the absolute community, especially as the main force organizing the daily rallies at Democracy Square. They were also key people involved in posting big character posters and in the publication and distribution of the Fighters' Bulletin. They organized the blood donation drives, food preparation, gathered and washed the bodies of the dead, tended to the wounded and bereaved families. However, when it came to formal leadership positions, women were often excluded and too often subservient to men. As a result, despite the heroic participation of women in all facets of the uprising, it appears that they were confined to "normal" roles and modes of behavior. 

The Final Days

At dawn on May 26, more than dozen tanks crushed militia barricades on the outskirts of the city and began to rumble towards downtown. Hearing from the loudspeaker trucks that the Army was entering the city, 30,000 people had gathered around the fountain in Democracy Square. They called for military to apologize for their transgressions and for the dictatorship to forgive people. That afternoon Yoon Sang-won held a press conference for foreign correspondents. He requested U.S ambassador to mediate a peaceful solution but his request was refused. It soon became clear the end of uprising was near. At the final rally around 3 p.m., the CSSC solemnly announced that reliable intelligence report indicated that the military will massively assault the city next morning. Freeing anyone of obligation to remain and fight, they asked all those willing for democracy to remain and fight.

On the night of May 26, families of soldiers stationed near Gwangju, informed the resistance fighters that the military was beginning to move. Unites were dispatched to various strategic points in the city…Altogether 500 fighters were positioned around the city…Although most women had left there were around 10 who remained to fight until the end. At 4:30 a.m., the battle raged at Province Hall. At least 17 people were killed in the building including Yoon-San won. At 6:30 the building was under the control of Army. With U.S. encouragement and support, the new military dictatorship of Chun Doo-hwan mobilized some 20,000 elite troops and took back the city in morning of May 27…Despite their bitter defeat that day, Gwangju citizens fought on. They refused to accept the military's tactical victory as the final act of their struggle. Those who were arrested they sang movement songs, threw chairs at the judges, and roundly crushed Chun and the dictatorship rather than paying attention to the proceedings when they were brought to the military tribunals. They also organized various strikes and plotted their movements' next steps. For the next 17 years, they continued, until finally they won exactly what the rallies at Democracy had demanded: Chun Doo-hwan and his collaborators were sent to prison, the government apologized and citizens were compensated for their losses. Gwangju became watchword for democracy.

(Note: This is just a summary of the Chapter 6 - Gwangju Peoples' Uprising from the unpublished book Deliver us From Evil (South Korean Social Movements in the 20th Century) written by George Katsiaficas. I summarized this chapter as part of assignment for Modern Korean History and Past-Dealing Process-MAINS 2010-11. I uploaded this thinking that it will be helpful for upcoming students to understand the Gwangju Peoples' Uprising, so please do not misuse it.)

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